GUEST BLOG: Careful out there! Three historical approaches to health care in Alaska

After a long delay, partially a result of the global COVID-19 pandemic, we’re back! This post is written by guest blogger Shealyn Golden, a curatorial assistant in the Ethnology & History department. Shealyn recently installed an exhibit of historical medical supplies on the 4th floor at the UAF Rasmuson Library.

The history of medicine can be thought of in many different ways. Wacky, primitive, askew, deceptive, and dangerous are all words that have been applied to historical medical practices. However, the sentiment these words imply is often reductive and misses the truth. While there have been many “snake oil salesmen” and medical practices based on incorrect thought processes throughout history, most medical practitioners were genuinely trying their best. Unfortunately, they lacked the scientific understanding and necessary equipment to practice evidence based medicine, which is the gold standard for modern biomedical techniques (aka “Western medicine”). In the absence of modern gold-standard practices, medical practitioners largely relied on the assumption that anything that provoked a noticeable effect had medicinal qualities; these were generally emetics, laxatives, diuretics, and anything that could cause an altered state of mind.

The collection of Western health care objects at the University of Alaska Museum of the North showcases health care practices over roughly a 150-year period. The earliest pieces in the collection date to the 1880’s while the most recent were collected in the last few years as part of the COVID-19 project. Like the majority of the collection in the Ethnology and History Department, the objects in the health care collection were collected in Alaska and Northern Canada. 

The museum’s collection also has items related to Indigenous health care practices. These practices and perspectives are beyond the scope of this post. If you are interested in Alaska Native concepts of health and wellness, please visit the website for the Center for Alaska Native Health Research.

Map showing routes from San Francisco to Alaska and the Yukon, 1897. Rare Maps Collection, Alaska & Polar Regions Collections, UAF-M0434.

The earliest objects in the health care collection likely came north as part of the Alaskan Gold Rush, which lasted from approximately 1887 to 1914 and had two main “waves,” one to the Klondike area and a second to the areas north of Nome. Although the Klondike is actually in Canada, it is still considered by many to be part of the Alaskan Gold Rush for three main reasons: first, some of the earliest miners to head to the Klondike were residents of Circle City, Alaska; second, of the most-used routes to the Klondike area, three went partially through Alaska, bolstering the economy in the areas along the route; and third, the Klondike Gold Rush was responsible for the beginning of the population boom that concluded after the rush to Nome. Like gold rushes in other areas, people got word that gold could be found in the Klondike, and later Nome, and flocked to the area to seek out their fortunes. But moving into arctic and subarctic climates can be both difficult and dangerous, and the majority of people who came north were both ill-prepared and ill-equipped.

A “fair” staker, 1898. Wickersham State Historic Site, Photographs, 1882-1930s. ASL-PCA-277. Alaska State Library – Historical Collections.

While mining out in the wilderness, individuals and small groups needed to be able to tend to their own health care. Today, even with the advantage of modern communication and transportation technology, Emergency Medical Services in Alaska and Canada can take multiple hours to get to their patients simply due to how remote their patients sometimes are. Modern hikers and backpackers often have extensive first aid kits, in case they need to hold themselves over until they can get professional medical help. 

To make it easier for people heading into the Klondike to outfit themselves, many “druggists” made their own Klondike Medicine Chests. These chests were filled with all of the medical equipment and medicinal supplies considered necessary for miners, trappers, tourists, and anyone else going into areas where they would be responsible for their own medical needs. Like most medicine chests, the Klondike Medicine Chest was stocked mostly with painkillers (primarily cannabis and different formulations of opium) and sundry laxatives. By the 1880s the value of antiseptics was more widely accepted in the medical community, so various antiseptics (ostensibly for different applications) were also included, as well as items for packing and covering injuries.

This Klondike Medicine Chest was made by Evans and Sons Limited, likely in Canada between 1889-1906. This chest was originally filled with the items listed in the inventory, which were, unfortunately, missing upon donation. However, many of the individual pieces have a counterpart in the museum collection. View this spreadsheet for the original inventory and comparable items in our collection.

Many modern cities in Alaska were founded and/or experienced a population boom due to the search for gold. Fairbanks is one such city, where a permanent settlement was founded in 1902 after gold was discovered by Italian immigrant Felix Pedro, né Felice Pedroni. As the population grew, support services for the new residents also moved in. Homes, schools, churches, banks, saloons, a library, a hospital, and various shops and markets were all established within a decade of the gold strike. 

Christmas street scene in downtown Fairbanks, 1909. McIntosh and Kubon Prescription Druggists visible at right. Albert Johnson Photograph Collection. UAF-1989-166-205-Print. UAF Archives.

One of the shops that was opened was the drug store of McIntosh and Kubon. John McIntosh (the UA Regent for whom McIntosh Hall on the UAF campus is named) came to Fairbanks in 1904 after having been in the Klondike (specifically Dawson) for eight years. While in Dawson, McIntosh had worked with Ralph Kubon, and in 1909 the two opened McIntosh and Kubon in Fairbanks. At McIntosh and Kubon, and the other pharmacies that were opened in Fairbanks, people could purchase the various medical items they needed for home use, as well as other sundries such as safety pins, tobacco, razors, and toiletries. 

In 1942, McIntosh & Kubon was sold to Wilbur Walker & Fred Pearson. This full-page newspaper ad was placed by the new owners before they closed McIntosh & Kubon and reopened it as the Co-op Drug Store in what is now the historic Co-op Plaza on Second Avenue. (“Clearance Sale.” Fairbanks Daily News Miner, 2 September 1936)
This photograph shows glass prescription bottles from the Red Cross Drug Store (top row) and the McIntosh & Kubon Drug Store (bottom row), two of the most prominent pharmacies in operation during the early years of Fairbanks. These bottles were part of the last donation to the collection from the late Candy Waugaman, a local Fairbanks historian.
This bottle of Mercurochrome was found in a building on 2nd Ave in Fairbanks which was reported to have possibly been a pharmacy. The McIntosh & Kubon Drug Store used a building on 2nd, which was taken over by the Red Cross Drug Store when McIntosh & Kubon moved. At some point the building was back in the hands of McIntosh & Kubon, and then was used as a warehouse by a local business for many years. Along with the bottle of Mercurochrome, a glass prescription bottle from the McIntosh & Kubon Drug Store was also found. It is unknown if the building where the bottle was found was the same building used by McIntosh & Kubon or the Red Cross Drug Store; however, given the presence of the prescription bottle, it seems a definite possibility. UA87-015-0006

At the same time that the early pharmacies were opening in Fairbanks, the field of “community health” was really taking hold in many locations in the Western world. Community health is the idea that the health of the whole community can be maintained by each member of that community doing their part (such as isolating if you know you have an infectious disease). One profession that came out of the idea of community health was the Public Health Nurse. The first Public Health Nurses were working in New York in the 1890’s. In Alaska, there were eleven Public Health Nurses working for the Department of Health and Social Services by 1938.

The advent of the professional position of “Public Health Nurse” was a big step in making health care more accessible. The Public Health Nurse (PHN) went into the community to see their patients, instead of requiring patients to travel from their community. Because they went to their patients, they were able to directly interact with people who were unable (or unlikely) to go to a larger health center, such as a clinic. However, this also meant that they had to work under the assumption that they would be providing medical care alone. This is similar to the assumption surrounding the Klondike Medicine Chest. Unlike the Klondike Medicine Chest, which was primarily intended for a self-administration, the contents of the Public Health Nurse’s bag were assembled for use by a trained medical professional working with patients.

A PHN was often the primary medical professional that members of their community interacted with. PHN’s had many duties: they provided care for a range of illnesses and conditions, were often the first Western medical professional to see a baby after they were born, provided education regarding Western concepts of cleanliness and hygiene, and did prophylactic examinations of adults, children, and infants. Through the education and care they provided, Public Health Nurses were major contributors to maintaining the health of a community. In many areas of the world, Public Health Nurses increased the life expectancy and decreased the disease load of the communities they served. Today, there are still Public Health Nurses working in Alaska and all over the world.

This Public Health Nurse’s Bag is one type that was used by PHN’s to carry their equipment. The inside lining, which has loops and compartments of different sizes to hold the equipment in place, is held in place by snaps. The lining could be unsnapped, removed from the bag, and laid out flat. This photo shows how the Public Health Nurses’ bag arrived at the museum. As part of collection care, all objects have been removed from the bag to be given their own appropriate housing. UA84-024-0001 See the full list of items in this bag here.

All the items in this post can be viewed at the UAF Rasmuson Library, 4th floor exhibit case. Detailed records are viewable online in our collection database here: https://arctos.database.museum/saved/Loan202234EH

GUEST BLOG: Kings on Ice: The John Rosie Gold Kings Collection

Over the past year I’ve had the good fortune to work with another talented UAF graduate student. Sam Urban is finishing his M.A. in Arctic and Northern Studies and has spent the past academic year working in the Ethnology & History lab to process the John Rosie Alaska Gold Kings collection donated by Randy Zarnke. Sam, who is a self-proclaimed hockey nut, happened to be looking for an Alaska sports-related topic for his thesis when the collection came to the University. As is often the case, the stars aligned and he shared his expertise with the Museum by cataloging the collection and using the materials as key elements of his M.A. project. After COVID-19 restrictions are lifted in Alaska we will install his physical exhibit at the UAF Rasmuson Library.

1995-96 Gold Kings Logo

Certainly there’s money to be made by any group that can successfully and economically put a semi-pro Fairbanks team on the ice. But the prospect of making it big from the start defies any get-rich-quick scheme. “We just don’t want to start out in a position of having to fold right in the middle of the season,” Atwood said.

Will it work? Rome wasn’t built in a day and neither were the Detroit Red Wings. The lack of an arena where the spectators can watch comfortably makes the plan an iffy prospect for rapid success. Still, the promoters feel hockey has a definite future here and foresee in their crystals the community interest to make it work. 

-Keith Olson, Fairbanks Daily News-Miner, October 1, 1977. 


Wanting a higher level of hockey for local youth to aspire to, city hockey officials created the semi-professional Teamsters hockey team in 1975. The team was initially comprised of the best local recreational players, many of whom relocated to Fairbanks to work on the TransAlaska Pipeline from the upper Midwest and Seattle. Two years later the team took on the name Fairbanks Gold Kings (later changed to the Alaska Gold Kings), and quickly began proving itself against teams from Anchorage and the Pacific Northwest. 

“Troubled” – photo taken by Marc Olson for a December 11, 1976 edition of the Fairbanks Daily News-Miner. Here an Anchorage Wolverine player races ahead of two Fairbanks Teamsters to try and score. In the late ‘70s the Anchorage Wolverines were the primary rival of Fairbanks until the Wolverines folded in 1979 due to insolvency. Over the years the Gold Kings continued to play various Anchorage teams, but the true rivalry was not reestablished until the formation of the Anchorage Aces in 1989.

From 1975 to 1995 the Gold Kings were an amateur senior men’s team, and from 1995-1997 they spent their last two Fairbanks years in the professional minor league West Coast Hockey League. Between its inception in 1975 as the Teamsters, and in spite of its relocation to Colorado Springs in 1998 as the Alaska Gold Kings, Fairbanks’ team was a huge success. The Gold Kings won five national championships, played 16 different international and Olympic teams, played overseas in Asia and Europe on multiple occasions, and laid the foundation for the level of hockey found in Fairbanks today. 

The photograph accompanying the article is of longtime Gold Kings coach and Fairbanks hockey staple Roger McKinnon. Originally from Sault Ste. Marie, Michigan, McKinnon moved to Fairbanks in 1975 after receiving a call from the heads of the Teamsters hockey team who were actively looking for a coach. McKinnon accepted the duty, and was with the Teamsters-turned-Gold Kings from 1975 until 1997, serving as a coach, player and general manager over the years. McKinnon is also well known for his involvement as a coach for youth hockey, and operating the sporting goods store Sport King on the west end of Fairbanks with fellow Sault Ste. Marie, Michigan native Tim Lee. McKinnon is now retired back home in the “Soo.” (Credit: Bob Eley, “Gold Kings ready for national tests,”  Fairbanks Daily News-Miner, April 7, 1983)

A hallmark of Gold Kings hockey were the international hockey games they hosted in Fairbanks and participated in abroad. The Gold Kings hosted their first international invitational in March of 1985. The Big Dipper played host to the national teams of the Netherlands, Austria and Japan. 

In 1990, through the New York-based People to People Sports Exchange Commission, the Gold Kings began an on-and off-ice relationship with the Soviet team Khabarovsk Red Army. The first series of many over the early ‘90s in Khabarovsk made the Gold Kings the first American team to step foot on Far Eastern Soviet Union soil. (Credit: John M. Sweeney, “Austrians are here and they are BIG!,” Fairbanks Daily News-Miner, March 1, 1985)
Credit: Eley, “Exchange just beginning: Gold Kings expect series growth,” February 7, 1990.
Starting with the Teamsters in 1975, many transplants came from the town of Sault Ste. Marie on Michigan’s Upper Peninsula. When News-Miner correspondent Ned Rozell wrote this article in 1993, 18 Gold Kings players hailed from Sault Ste. Marie. (Credit: Ned Rozell, “Kings have a pipeline to Alaska: The Sault Ste. Marie connection is real,” Fairbanks Daily News-Miner, March 12-13, 1993)
In their last season as an amateur team, the Gold Kings beat instate rival the Anchorage Aces in overtime 7-6 for their fifth national championship victory. (Credit: Eley, “Gold Kings complete their drive for five,” April 3, 1995)
After two seasons in the professional minor leagues, the Gold Kings left Fairbanks in 1998. John Rosie and the team relocated to Colorado Springs, becoming the Colorado Gold Kings. The team folded in 2002.

I could never in my mind, when we dropped the first puck in the old Big Dipper, did I ever believe that the stuff we accumulated over time would ever warrant the status of a museum exhibit.

John Rosie, 2020

(Kyrie Long, “Alaska Gold Kings reception: UAMN hosts, receives memorabilia donations,” Fairbanks Daily News-Miner, March 9, 2020)

In the spring of 2019, University of Alaska Museum of the North Ethnology and History Lab director Angela Linn was asked by Randy Zarnke if the museum would be interested in a collection of items and documents from the Gold Kings’ past. Zarnke is the president of the Fairbanks Hockey Hall of Fame, and author of Fairbanks Hockey Pioneers: A Tribute to the Hockey Community in the Golden Heart of Alaska. While some of the items belonged to fans and players, much of the collection was once in the possession of former team president John Rosie. According to Fairbanks Daily News-Miner coverage of the ceremony celebrating the collection on March 8th, 2020: “The collection comes from John Rosie, president of the Gold Kings. After the Gold Kings folded in 1997, Rosie was on the phone with Zarnke, talking about the items that are now being catalogued in the museum collection. He was initially going to take them to the dump, according to Zarnke, but Zarnke told Rosie to give the items to him instead,” (Kyrie Long, “Alaska Gold Kings reception: UAMN hosts, receives memorabilia donations,” Fairbanks Daily News-Miner, March 9, 2020).

It is a large collection consisting of souvenir mugs, water bottles, pins from various international hockey federations, jerseys, fan apparel, baseball hats, personalized hockey pucks, trophies, trading cards, stickers, sticks, and miscellaneous items. Some of these items can be seen below.


For more information on the Gold Kings and Fairbanks hockey, visit:

Alaska Gold Kings Wikipedia Page: Colorado Gold Kings

Fairbanks Hockey Hall of Fame Home Page

Fairbanks Ice Dogs: Team History

Ethnology & History | Museum | Museum of the North

Alaska and Polar Regions Collections & Archives

Alaska Film Archives

The Importance of a Word

This month I wrote a post for Arctos describing a change the Arctos Working Group recently implemented in our collection management system. I’ve re-posted the essay here, to emphasize the importance a single word can have when you’re working with diverse groups.

From “Specimens” to “Catalog Records”: An Exercise in Inclusive CMS Modification

In October of 2019, the Arctos Working Group (AWG) took a small but important step forward to more accurately represent the diverse holdings documented in our collaborative collection management system (CMS). A 2015 Github issue with the deceptively simple title “Specimen” created by Dusty McDonald after a discussion with UAM Entomology Curator Derek Sikes recommended changing out the term “specimen” with the term “record”. Sikes felt our use of specimen was confusing because of the various kinds of things that get cataloged and sought clarification with his suggested terminology shift. Like some issues, there were no comments and little to no action on the issue for four years. On October 3 Dusty closed the issue after tagging it “Abandoned.”

Sikes responded to that abandonment, expressing his sadness and his problem with the term “specimen” – the inherently inaccurate tallies of collection items resulting when one cites the number of records in Arctos as somehow being equivalent to the number of specimens in the collection. Although there is a tradition in entomology of using the term ‘specimen’ as equivalent to specimen or ‘lot’ (eg a vial full of many specimens), it is clear that confusion can easily arise if the term ‘specimen’ means more than one thing (Sikes 2015).

The discussion provided me with the opening I’d been looking for since 2014 when the cultural collections moved into Arctos. A number of my colleagues and I, who work in archaeology, ethnology & history, and fine arts collections, had long felt embarrassed and a bit ashamed by the fact that our individual objects were labeled by the term “specimen” when those items might at best, be considered by the source communities as living beings, or at worst, might be the physical human remains of Indigenous ancestors held in the collections, many times awaiting repatriation under the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA). This issue prompted me to finally step up and address this elephant in the room that pervades all of Arctos and its associated documentation.

As I described in my Github comment, the term “specimen” is fraught with a history of trauma through institutional racism, insensitive, and often unethical, treatment of Indigenous peoples by museums and scientific collections the world over. It is a key part of the history of museums and our former ways of exerting dominance and control over subjugated people in colonial settings. Representatives of museums and colonial governments regularly stole or unethically “traded” for the material culture and sacred objects of people, removing them from their cultural settings where the objects play an important role in the expression of identity, of family relationships, of hierarchy and territoriality, as well as sometimes being the way one communicates with the spirit world and keeps a balance between the various parts of life. The term “specimen” reduces an object down to its basest level of being just a thing on a shelf that one looks at (from the Latin specere, “to look”). Specimens were things held, examined, and displayed in natural history museums. When Indigenous peoples and their material culture were included in museum collections, they too were lumped in with the animals, plants, and creatures of the “natural” world. This was in contrast to the dominant cultures, whose objects were seen in museums of history and art.

During the Civil Rights Era of the 1960s, members of discriminated groups joined together to express their outrage at the lack of respect granted in mainstream culture, and museum policies and procedures mirrored these societal changes. Activists initiated a continuum of change that we acknowledge today through the discontinuation of disrespectful practices, like the exhibition of human remains in galleries, and instead undertake meaningful consultation with source communities to improve policies and procedures.

The change in the use of the term “specimen” in Arctos to the more neutral (and technically accurate) “catalog record” signals a culture shift and a willingness to continue to move forward in this continuum of change. Arctos as a CMS is growing, from a system formerly used to keep track of biological individuals and their related data, to one that is capable of so much more. Whether it’s the enrichment of the agent table to better document the biographical information associated with artists, to the increased use of media and relationships to show objects within their original cultural context, our diverse users and collections are expanding what Arctos is capable of and how it can be used to answer increasingly complicated and multi-disciplinary questions.

At the time of this post, we’ve only begun the process of removing all references to “specimens” in Arctos. The AWG has prioritized the pages most often used by members of the public: search, search results, and the object detail page. From here we will work our way into the transactions and the deeper elements of the code tables and associated documentation. It’s a work in progress, afterall!

——-

Sikes, D.S. 2015. What is a specimen? What should we count and report when managing an entomology collection? Newsletter of the Alaska Entomological Society 8(1):3-8. http://www.akentsoc.org/doc/AKES_newsletter_2015_I.pdf

Dissertation Work: Step 1 – General Survey

Those of you who know me know I’ve been enrolled in UAF’s Interdisciplinary (INDS) Ph.D. program since 2014. Working towards a Ph.D. while working full-time and being a mom and wife is no easy task, which is why it’s taken me five years to complete my courses, three field papers (comps), and advance to candidacy (May 2019). My project is centered on the past, present, and future of Alaska’s museums and I’m framing that project within these research questions:

  1. How has the historical context from which Alaska’s three large museums grown ( Alaska State Museums, UA Museum of the North, and Anchorage Museum) impacted their mission, vision, and values?
  2. How are museums in Alaska responding the the needs of modern Alaskans?
  3. How have the laws and ethics that govern American and Alaskan museums changed over the past 100 years and how have those changes impacted what we collect and the stories we tell in our galleries?
  4. What is the future direction of the Nation’s (and the world’s) museums and how will Alaska measure up and respond to these changes?
  5. How do the different approaches of sharing and preserving cultural heritage manifest themselves in traditional museums and Indigenous cultural centers, and how can each type of institution learn from the other to provide the best service to our varied constituents?

The first phase of my research involves getting a sense of what Alaskans think about our museums and how they feel while they’re in them. Are we creating spaces where people feel welcome? Do our community members feel compelled to participate in what we do? Are we achieving the most basic elements of our missions? Do our communities even think museums are relevant in the 21st century?

If you’re interested in helping me start this first step, please complete this very short survey and tell me, anonymously if you want, how you feel about Alaska’s museums and the work we’re doing. Lay it all out there and be totally honest – that’s the point! And feel free to share with your community members, especially if you’re from outside our urban centers. While my research is centered on the three major urban museums, they exist within the context of the dozens of community museums statewide. Part of my goal is also to show how much the bigger museums can learn from our smaller, community-based museums, in being a good neighbor and providing a safe gathering space for events and activities of all kinds.

Please share your ideas with me! I look forward to reading them and sharing more of my research progress on the pages of this blog. Thank you in advance for being part of this work.

Direct link to survey: https://forms.gle/8TJWe4aLPhkRcsQt6

#SaveOurMuseum – an Update

Happy August to everyone. I wanted to give a quick update about the goings-on relating to my post. First off, THANK YOU to everyone who provided responses here or sent messages of support for the UA Museum of the North. It has been so heartwarming to hear from our colleagues all over the world telling our Regents and Legislators how much our museum, and museums like us, matter to society. On Monday, the UA Board of Regents met for six hours to discuss how to move forward with the $135 million cut to our state appropriation and to directly address the Office of Management and Budget’s proposal to zero out all state funding for research at UAF and the museum. Two separate regents on three different occasions spoke with passion about the value of the museum and our collections, for preserving our cultural heritage and for holding a long record of the natural and cultural history of Alaska. No other single university unit received such a positive and strong presence at the meeting. This is certainly in part due to the advocacy efforts of our colleagues. Thank you for your efforts.

Moving forward, we believe the immediate threat to the Museum is over for the moment, but sadly not completely eliminated. As our director has stated to staff, cuts are inevitable and how much of a burden our museum will carry as part of the reduced funding to the entire University is not clear yet. Much of it depends on how our governor proceeds with the appropriation bill sitting on his desk. If anyone is still interesting in writing letters of support for the UAMN, we are encouraging them to be directed to our Board of Regents and the University President, Jim Johnsen. As the University looks toward consolidation across our massive system, letters that speak to the value of the museum and our collections can only help us retain a spot of prominence and value in the new organization.

Thank you again for the show of support on such short notice. And because I take care of the History collections at UAMN, I am of course keeping copies of these letters to document this particular chapter in the history of the museum and the university.

With deepest gratitude and humility, we turn the page for our next phase of work.

#SaveOurMuseum

By now, many people in Alaska have chosen a “side” regarding the line-item vetoes enacted by Governor Dunleavy. The most devastating to the Alaska I know and love is the $136 million line for cuts to the University of Alaska.

I have been a part of the University of Alaska, and more specifically, the University of Alaska Museum of the North, since August of 1996 when I started working on my MA in Anthropology at UAF. I worked as a student at the museum, in many departments, while working on that degree. When I graduated in 1999 I was offered a job to stay on as the collections manager of the Ethnology & History collection instead of going to New York City for an internship at the American Museum of Natural History. Oh what a different life I would have had if I made that other choice.

I have been so happy in my career at UAMN. I received mentorship from people who spent years dedicated to the preservation of collections, to research, to educating the public about these irreplaceable treasures we hold in trust for the public benefit. I have been privileged to share moments with members of Alaska Native communities that have changed the way I see the world, the way I communicate about these collections. I want others to learn to take care of their cultural heritage – to find some balance to the spiritual needs of the objects and the museum goals of physical preservation in perpetuity, for present and future generations. I have returned to school to earn a Ph.D. so I can work even harder to make our museums better and more responsive to the myriad needs of our stakeholders.

So my heart breaks when I see our communities torn apart by the threats to our educational systems, and specifically when our Governor proposes to eliminate ALL STATE FUNDING to the University of Alaska Museum, for which the state has a fiduciary duty of care to safeguard those collections. My fingers are sore from writing letters to our legislators. My head is sore from banging it against a wall as I see the messages not getting across. My heart is sore when I think of the potential losses to our communities. My soul is sore for the damage that will be inflicted on these precious collections if we can not care for them as they deserve.

And yet, we must continue to write and to share the reasons why we matter. If this funding is lost, each year thousands of students will lose access to primary resources to feed their questions (in FY18 UAMN collections hosted 1150 MA or MS students in our collections). Another 2,539 individual questions will go unanswered from the public who reach out to experts to help identify bones they found in their yards, old baskets they inherited from their families, insects they discovered in their gardens, and paintings they uncovered in their attics. Annually, over 250 research colleagues from around the world will be unable to pursue their own programs of research in UAMN collections, supplemented by the expertise of our staff and faculty who live and breathe their areas of study. The 100,000+ NEW objects and specimens added to our collections each year will just sit in boxes, or never find their way to the museum at all. And most dramatic of all, the 1,406,806,896 museum records downloaded each year from our online collection management system Arctos, will have no one to review and keep current, the information contained in the fields.

If you have been affected by what we do at the Museum, if you love and care about the future of our institution, PLEASE write to our Alaska Legislators as well as the UA Board of Regents (use the email ua-bor@alaska.edu to get a message to all regents) and tell them why the UA Museum and our collections should not be a pawn in this political game being played. The safety of our natural and cultural heritage is not a negotiating point. Our legal and ethical obligations to the Indigenous peoples of Alaska are not to be put at risk. Please write and tell these decision-makers why museums matter.

Thank you.

Guest Blog: Social Media and the Museum Worker

(This most recent guest post is from my senior undergraduate student curatorial assistant and Museum Research Apprenticeship Program student, Kate Tallman. Kate compiled this information for a poster, which she recently presented at the 2018 Western Museums Association (WMA) annual meeting in Tacoma, Washington. Social media, like this blog, is quickly becoming one of the most important ways that museum professionals relate to museum lovers around the world. Her research shows how essential it is for us to personally share what we do, how we do it, and why we love it, in order to enhance our connections with that community of followers. Enjoy this post and provide your feedback about ways you’ve connected with museum people across the globe! –AJL)

Social media is founded on the principles of community, dialog, and maintaining connections. In the past decade, organizations have made great strides in manipulating this platform to their advantage. In this day and age, it would be shocking and ill-advised for a cultural landmark, tourist attraction, or business to be without a social media presence across multiple platforms. While organizational accounts serve a purpose and can provide important information and offer insights into the brand, or the team behind the brand, they often come across as one-dimensional and sterile. There are limitations as to what an organizational account can achieve. Depending on the museum and its mission, an organizational account posting niche content, humorous dialog, and memes can come across as inappropriate, insensitive, or alienating. Few museums have harnessed social media in such a way so as to increase approachability while staying true to their mission. Perhaps most successful was the 2017 “twitter war” between London’s Natural History Museum and the Science Museum, two of the UK’s most venerated institutions.

Current social and political climates worldwide have forced conversations about institutional history, colonization, representation, and the validity of the status quo. Moving forward, how do institutions foster a sense of inclusivity with groups who may not traditionally feel they are a part of the target audience? How do you continue to democratize the museum field without sacrificing academic purpose or reverence for the artifacts for which you are charged with caring? The answer may lie in the hands of the museum worker as an individual.

While Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs has met its detractors, it seems that social media communication tends to prove its merit.  Unlike online workplace communication which is primarily driven by task completion, interpersonal communication is driven by participants’ desires and social psychological needs. The development of the internet has drastically changed the way people interact and communicate socially. Online communities have become one of the most important parts of people’s everyday lives.

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Kate Tallman, Belonging: Social Media, Psychology, and the Power of the Museum Worker, 2018

 

Bonding through online interaction has rules. Most importantly, the perceptions one has of online counterparts are determined by certain factors. Impressions are often based on screen name, perceived tone, and characteristics we associate with similar people in real life. This is crucial. If my associations with black women, or gay men, or Indigenous peoples are overall positive, and they are likely to be if I am a part of that demographic myself, then I will inherently form a positive perception of strangers who fit that demographic. Online trust can be developed purely through interface cues. Effusive positivity, shared interests, good punctuation, timeliness of replies, and an active presence all contribute to a more positive and familiar feeling.

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Kate Tallman, Belonging: Social Media, Psychology, and the Power of the Museum Worker, 2018

 

Viewing content and interacting with those we consider friends online increases social capital, whereas other interactions, specific to Facebook, do not. For instance, say I see two posts relating to the same exhibit in a museum. The first is posted by a friend posting about their work on the exhibit. They are excited and passionate, and they may even share behind-the-scenes information. Their post will inherently be more engaging. The second post is made by the organizational account of the Museum. They will share the historical, cultural, or scientific information regarding the exhibit. There will be information about the duration and hours you can see the artifacts featured. Depending on the content of the exhibit, they may be able to make a joke, or use a light hearted tone. In terms of social capital, the post from a friend will feel more fulfilling to read and engage with. Therefore, we are more likely to do so. Reading, scrolling, and “liking” organizational posts does not fulfill our need for engagement and belonging. This illustrates how the individual museum worker is most suited to affect change regarding a sense of inclusivity. An active social media presence, which highlights associations with historically underserved communities, and also frequently mentions their workplace in a positive light can both engender a sense of trust in the institution and foster a feeling of belonging to that institution.

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Kate Tallman, Belonging: Social Media, Psychology, and the Power of the Museum Worker, Western Museums Association, 2018, Seattle, WA.

 

How can we turn this information into a benefit to the community and the museum? Unfortunately, this is not a single action mechanism of change. More so, we must acknowledge the role that social media plays in our psychological fulfillment. Noting this, and the increasing roles online platforms play in society, the museum field must move toward more fully incorporating this information into our interactions and role in the community.

The overwhelming majority of people surveyed stated the reason they post things is to convey who they are and what they care about. The majority of social media usage is rooted in sense of self, and this is why personalized endorsements from individuals mean more to others than an endorsement from an organization. By celebrating the diversity among museum staff, and encouraging an active presence online, the organization can become an arbiter of communal change through the individual employee.

 

RESOURCES:

Cole, Jeffrey, Michael Suman, Phoebe Schramm, and Liuning Zhou. Surveying the Digital Future.Report no. 15. Center for the Digital Future, University of Souther California. http://www.digitalcenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/10/2017-Digital-Future-Report.pdf.

Guan, Zhiwei. “The Effect of Need to Belong on Online Social Behaviors and Cognitive Interactions.” PhD diss., University of Washington, 2016. Abstract. https://digital.lib.washington.edu/researchworks/handle/1773/38038.

Smith, Sandra Susan. “Race and Trust.” Annual Review of Sociology, April 20, 2010, 1-26. doi:10.1146/annurev.soc.012809.102526.

Tallman, Kate. Belonging: Psychology, Social Media, and the Modern Museum Survey. August 18, 2018. Raw data. https://goo.gl/forms/k70QDmsUussmdDuw1.

 

 

 

Guest Blog: Indigenous Commerce Networks

(Once again I’m lucky to have a smart and creative Ph.D. student working in the lab as an Intern this summer, Ms. Yoko Kugo. Thanks to the National Park Service for partial support of her internship. Her final project was an exhibit that illustrates the diverse trade networks used by Alaska’s Indigenous peoples in earlier times. Visit the 4th floor of the UAF Elmer E. Rasmuson Library to see the exhibit in person. Contact me if you want more information!)

Indigenous Commerce Network across Bering Strait and Alaska

Indigenous peoples of Alaska traded goods with other regional groups beyond their territories and across the ocean since time immemorial. Besides some regions having hostile relationships with their neighbors, many people cooperated to establish peaceful trading partnerships. In the Bering Strait, traders waved strangers empty hands or showed them furs and other trade items. They often brought women in the visiting party. In the interior to southeast Alaska, Athabascan women married Tlingit men and helped their husbands to estimate and judge the price of trading items. This illustrates that women played an important role for each society to maintain resources and wealth in peace.

Burch 1988 235 Chukchi trade

“Tuski and Mahlemuts Trading for Oil” by Henry W. Elliot, from Dall’s Alaska and Its Resources (1870)

This drawing shows Tuski (Chukchi) brought a woman and child to maintain peace when trading goods with Iñupiat. Notice the seal skin filled with seal oil. (Burch 1988, 235)

Language is an important tool for communicating with other cultural groups and maintaining local peace and exchange. Not surprisingly, Indigenous “businessmen” were fluent in multiple languages. The Bering Strait Iñupiat were familiar with the Chukchi language, while the Tlingit people in southeast Alaska communicated with other tribes along the Pacific Northwest Coast using the Chinook Jargon.

As seen on the map of Indigenous Commerce Network (Burch 1988, 236-237), Indigenous people traded with their neighboring groups for land mammal pelts, maritime products (seal oil, skins, ivory, shells), copper, jade, and wood. Some of these same materials are still valuable for Indigenous cultures to make handcrafts and regalia today.

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A Map of Indigenous Commerce Network (Burch 1988, 236-237)

Some raw materials used in the trading system are …

Dentalia 

In the Indigenous commerce systems, Tlingit people obtained dentalia from the west coast of Vancouver Island. Since the interior Athabascan people valued dentalia used for personal ornament more than the coastal people, the dentalia became valuable for the Tlingit. The Tlingit people often called dentalia “the shell money.” The dentalium chief’s neccklaces were important status in the Athabascan culture.

 

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Ch’etth’ena’ Necklace
Dentalium Necklace
Denalium shells, glass beads, moosehide, buttons, waxed thread
Unknown maker
(Tanana Athabascan) Minto  
Guilbert Thompson Collection
0737-0001 (UAMN)

 

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Dentalia
Mr. Newton Collection
UA99-006-0005AB (UAMN)

Animal Furs and Skins

In the upriver region, the Yupiit traded goods with neighbor groups of Athabascans, obtaining birch bark to make canoes and baskets. Athabascans traded wooden utensils and land mammal furs (beaver, otter, marten, wolf, wolverine, fox, etc.) with coastal Yupiit to obtain sea mammal fats, skin boats (both umiaks and kayaks), dressed sea mammal skins, Siberian reindeer hide thongs and sinew, tobacco, and European copper and iron products.

UA70_053_0137AB_1

Piluguut (Boots)
Bearded seal, wolverine and otter fur beaver fur calf skin, red cotton and yarn, dental floss
Unknown maker
Central Yup’ik (Nunapitchuk)
Wendell Oswalt Collection
UA70-053-0137AB (UAMN)

Russian-American Influence

In 1741, after Vitus Bering’s arrival in Alaska, the Russian government claimed the territory for themselves. The Russians’ first permanent trading station was built at Three Saints Bay on Kodiak Island in 1784 and it established the monopoly of the Russian-American Company in 1799. Russian Orthodox missionaries traveled along with fur traders and introduced Alaska Natives to Christianity. After several epidemics decimated Alaska Native populations in the mid-19th century and Russian men intermarried with Native women, many Alaska Natives accepted Christianity.

Commonly known as “Russian” trade beads. Beads were widely and used among the Alaska Native peoples.

“Beads were valued at so much according to color: Yellow 30 cents; Red 40 cents; Blue 50 cents. Chilkat.”

(Emmons 1991,56)

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Trade Beads
Glass
Mrs. Bateman Collection
UA75-062-0002 (UAMN)

Alaska Natives’ traditional trading systems shifted from items-for-items to items-for-cash after the arrival of American whalers in the Bering Strait in the 1850s and the U.S. purchase of Alaska in 1867. In order to obtain cash, many men and women used new items, such as commercial dye, cotton, and modern metals, applying their traditional skills to make objects for sale. Their traditional home-made tools were replaced by silverware, coffee cans, firearms, and other items. Those new handmade objects became authentic “Native Art.” Nevertheless, still today, many Alaska Natives recognize their traditional designs in their regions and perceive specific objects as a symbol of wealth. Their tool-making techniques, objects, and regalia show their identities, “who they are.”

0236_3993AB

Xaat Kákw
Spruce Root Basket, Cup and Saucer
Spruce root, maidenhair fern
Unknown maker
Tlingit
Henry Wolking Collection
0236-3993AB (UAMN)

UA74_067_0005_1

Tamlada-x̂
Tobacco Pouch
Seal gut, cotton cloth, thread
Unknown maker
Unangax (Belkofski)
Dr. Harold McCracken Collection
UA74-067-0005 (UAMN)

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Exhibit at the UAF Elmer E. Rasmuson Library, 4th floor

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Yoko Kugo (L) and Angela Linn installing objects for the exhibition at the Rasmuson Library.

Selected Bibliography:

Black, Lydia T.

2004  Russians in Alaska 1732-1867. Fairbanks: University of Alaska Press.

Burch, Ernest S. Jr.

1988  War and Trade. In Crossroads of Continents: Cultures of Siberia and Alaska. W. Fitzhugh and A.Crowell, eds. Pp. 227-240. Washington D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press.

Duncan, Kate C.

1989  Northern Athapaskan Art: A Beadwork Tradition. Seattle: University of Washington Press.

Emmons, George Thornton

1991  The Tlingit Indians. Seattle: University of Washington Press.

Fienup-Riordan, Ann

2007  Yuungnaqpiallerput: The Way We Genuinely Live. Seattle: University of Washington Press.

Gibbs, George

1970  Dictionary of the Chinook Jargon, or Trade Language of Oregon. New York: AMS Press.

Laughlin, William S.

1980  Aleuts: Survivors of the Bering Land Bridge. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc.

Oswalt, Wendell H.

1990  Bashful No Longer: An Alaskan Eskimo Ethnohistory, 1778-1988. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.

Zagoskin, Lavrentiy A.

1967  Lieutenant Zagoskin’s Travels in Russian America, 1842-1844: The First Ethnographic and Geographic Investigation in the Yukon and Kuskokwim Valleys of Alaska. Henry N. Michael, ed. Penelope Rainey, transl. Arctic Institute of North America, Anthropology of the North: Translations from Russian Sources, 7. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

 

The Taft Tusk and its Crazy History

The Seattle Sunday Times, Oct. 16, 1910

“FAIRBANKS MEN SEND TAFT MASTODON TUSK — A section of mastodon tusk twenty-five inches long, crusted with bas-reliefs wrought in unalloyed Alaska gold that form an epitome of gold mining in the Interior North, is an heroically proportioned desk ornament citizens of the Tanana Valley are sending to President W.H. Taft. This presentation is intended to mark the recent visit to Fairbanks of Secretary of Commerce and Labor Charles Nagel and Attorney-General George Wickersham, personally representing the chief executive. While the cabinet officials were at Fairbanks they were lavishly entertained, and became popular. At a big reception one evening, the suggestion was made by a wealthy mine owner that a symbolical souvenir be sent to President Taft as a token of appreciation.”

So begins the Seattle Times article about what would come to be known as “The Taft Tusk.” According to the article, J.L. Sale, a jeweler called “the Tiffany of the North” was to produce “the most elaborate memento ever sent out of Alaska.” When the Times interviewed Sales about the tusk, he said “It is simply a great piece of mastodon ivory, mounted with gold. The ivory was dug from a mine, where the tusk had lain for hundreds of years. It is a beautiful piece. It’s striking characteristics of color being brought out effectively by polishing.” Presumably President Taft received the tusk and the people of Fairbanks were satisfied that they had represented our community and our economy.

LOC_tusk02021v

Ivory tusk of a walrus which was carved by an Eskimo and presented to President Taft. Alaska United States, ca. 1900. [Between and Ca. 1930] Photograph. Retrieved from the Library of Congress, https://www.loc.gov/item/99614746/. (Accessed July 28, 2017.)

Fast-forward to 1943, when the President of the Fairbanks Chamber of Commerce received a letter from Murray Galleries in Washington D.C., offering to sell a recently acquired desk set from the estate of the late Ex-President William H. Taft. “We are of the opinion that it would be of historic interest to the city of Fairbanks, and for that reason we are offering it to you prior to placing it in our general stock.” The asking price was $1000 plus 10% Federal excise tax. Several weeks later, the Chamber of Commerce wrote to the son of President Taft, Senator Robert A. Taft. “We did this out of respect for your father and the high office to which he had been elected, believing that he would get some pleasure from the souvenir and that his heirs would treasure such a gift and keep it as a family possession as long as the Taft family existed. We are disappointed to learn that this gift of the people of Fairbanks, Alaska has been sold to the Murray Galleries in Washington and that it is now being by them for sale on a strictly commercial basis.”

Through a cordial series of communications, the Taft children purchased the desk set back from the gallery and donated it to the University Museum in Fairbanks, in order to be exhibited with a short history of the presentation by the people of Fairbanks to President Taft. The desk set arrived in Fairbanks and promptly went on exhibit in a glass case, where it was “quite the center of attraction. Our mining men are greatly interested in this work of art,” according to President Charles Bunnell, who received the gift. A story appeared in the August 1, 1944 copy of the Farthest-North Collegian (p. 6). It’s here where the first inconsistency appears.

1944_FNC-photo

The Farthest-North Collegian,  August 1, 1944, page 6.

The caption and headline of the article describes the tusk as being made from a “walrus tusk” while the original 1910 article from the Seattle Times clearly identifies the tusk as mastodon. This early photograph shows the details on the piece. One particular image does made it appear to be walrus ivory, though it is often impossible to tell the difference without close examination.

0267_AccessionDocuments 28-crop

Detail of tusk (catalog number 0267-4176) and gold overlay. Notice the mottled appearance of the ivory to the left of the mountain. This may confirm the tusk as being made from walrus, not mastodon, ivory. UAMN Photo.

The tusk remained in its place of honor in the museum for many years, appreciated by visitors and student alike. The beginning of another controversy began to bubble to the surface sometime in the 1960s. In a 1968 article of Jessen’s Daily (Wednesday, Mar. 27, 1968, p. 9) Harry Avakoff describes his career as a jeweler in Fairbanks, counting as one of his major accomplishments as being “commissioned by Tanana Valley citizens to make a gold inkwell for President Taft.”

Then, on the morning of April 8, 1969, University of Alaska Museum Director Lu Rowinski opened the museum at 8:00 am and discovered the tusk had been stolen. A $100 reward was offered for information leading to the return of the tusk, “no questions asked,” according to the Fairbanks Daily News-Miner article. People at the time were concerned that the thief would melt down the gold in order to sell it more quickly.

A search of online newspaper articles reveals that only months later, Andrew Hehlin was arrested after the Alaska State Troopers recovered five car loads of stolen property, which included the gold figurines from the desk set, but not the ivory tusk. According to Glen Simpson, who was then a faculty member in the UAF art department and commissioned to repair the desk set in 1973, the museum had acquired a large number of walrus tusks from Barrow, thinking one might have the right contours to match the gold overlay. However, no tusk could be found and so instead, Simpson carved a replacement tusk of walnut. The desk set was returned to the museum and was included in the July 27, 1973 opening of the C.J. Berry Gold Room.

One might think this was the end of the story. The tusk was back on exhibit for the public to enjoy. However, there remained, even until 1999, some disagreements regarding the true artist responsible for the design and fabrication of the tusk: J.L. Sale or Harry Avakoff. Avakoff was quoted in a number of newspaper articles on file at the museum, that one of his life’s greatest accomplishments was being commissioned to make the tusk. In 1983, Emily Avakoff, Harry’s widow, visited the director of the museum and expressed her concern that the tusk label did not credit her late husband as the artist. A number of letters and supporting documentation was exchanged, and a pair of hand-written notes with no dates indicate that “Jack Sale” made the tusk, owned the Fairbanks jewelry store where Avakoff, as well as Vic Brown, were employed. “He did some work on the tusk,” says one note, indicating that both men were associated with the fabrication of the work of art.

In the end, the museum records cite both men as the creators of the desk set, as well as Glen Simpson. The piece has been on continuous exhibit, with the exception of the brief hiatus between 1969-1973, since its 1944 donation and forms the centerpiece of our gold case in the Gallery of Alaska. You can see the catalog record and some of those records in our museum database here.

TP-16-4793-021 (WIN-4LAU14JTPGB's conflicted copy 2016-03-17)

As part of our Gallery of Alaska renovation project, the gold case was opened for photography and cleaning. Here I am removing the Taft Tusk from its mount. UAF Photo by Todd Paris.

 

Inspired in Iceland

I recently had the privilege to go on my first European vacation with my family. We took advantage of Icelandair’s excellent stopover service and took 3 days to explore Iceland on our way to Sweden, where my husband would be attending a conference in Uppsala. On our last day we visited the Árbær Open Air Museum, which is part of the Reykjavík City Museum group of museums. I’ve always loved living history and historic house museums – this place topped all that I have visited in the past.

Looking across many of the historic buildings at the museum

Looking across many of the historic buildings at the Árbær Open Air Museum.

According to their website, Árbær was an established farm well into the 20th century. A museum opened on the property in 1957, which is located on a grassy hillside on the outskirts of Reykjavík. Now there are more than 20 historic structures that form a town square, a village, and a farm. The buildings include the old original farm house, a church & rectory, a blacksmith house, many residential buildings that represent a variety of architectural styles, and a pair of large warehouses built around 1820. Many of the buildings are decorated in period furnishings, giving visitors a sense of how people lived in Reykjavík over the decades, many in opulence and others in real rustic conditions. Other buildings contain thematic exhibitions, including “Building Techniques in Reykjavik 1840-1940,” “Consumption – Reykjavík in the 20th Century,” and “Employment of women in the home from 1900-1970.” This innovative combination of special exhibits set in historic buildings was new and exciting for this museum-goer. It helped keep the 7-year-old in our group as interested and occupied as the 75-year-old.

Equally as fun and engaging as the exhibits was the farm element. Live ponies, sheep, and chickens broke up the wide expanses of territory and brought life to our adventure.

An awesome four horned Icelandic sheep that fascinated our whole group!

An awesome four horned Icelandic sheep that fascinated our whole group!

Our favorite structure, however, was the old original farmhouse. A stone barn connected to a structure with three peaked roofs allowed residents to tend to the small animals (probably goats or sheep) without having to go outside. Two of the roof peaks represented the sleeping quarters, one for the boys and travelers, and one for the girls. This farmhouse seemed so practical, well-designed, and comfortable, my son and I could barely pull ourselves away from the building. We left wanting to know more and wishing to buy a publication at the gift shop (in English) about the history of the museum and the family who occupied the farm (unfortunately, we left with only a key chain, a mug, and a miniature Icelandic sheep).

Part of the original farmhouse, the only building that was preserved in situ at the museum.

Part of the original farmhouse, the only building that was preserved in situ at the museum, and described by my son as “the coolest house ever!”

 

Our departure from the Árbær Open Air Museum left me feeling invigorated for my work with the Fairbanks North Star Borough Historic Preservation Commission. Fairbanks, like Reykjavík, has seen a variety of architectural periods pass by, from the gold miner log cabins, to early framed  homes, through the wartime and pipeline days. While we are lucky to have Pioneer Park and the Gold Rush Town structures, my desire to help people understand the actual history represented by those buildings leaves me wanting more out of that park. Over the coming years, I hope to learn more about the process followed by Árbær to create such a successful open air museum that both honors the architectural history of Reykjavík and Iceland, as well as the people who built and made a life in those homes.

Here are a selection of photos from our visit.

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Beautiful and functional stove.

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A fine place to spend some time.

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Dinner anyone?

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An example of exhibit cases installed in a historic structure to tell the story of consumption (not the disease) in Iceland.

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Indoor plumbing!

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One of the wider stairwells we encountered.